GoFuckYourself.com - Adult Webmaster Forum - View Single Post

VRPdommy · 05-30-2019, 02:19 PM

The President paid careful attention to negative coverage of Flynn and reacted with annoyance and anger when the story broke disclosing that Flynn had discussed sanctions with Kislyak. Just hours before meeting one-on-one with Corney, the President told Christie that firing Flynn would put an end to the Russia inquiries. And after Christie pushed back, telling the President that firing Flynn would not end the Russia investigation, the President asked Christie to reach out to Corney and convey that the President liked him and he was part of "the team." That afternoon, the President cleared the room and asked Corney to "let[] Flynn go." We also sought evidence relevant to assessing whether the President' s direction to Corney was motivated by sympathy towards Flynn. In public statements the President repeatedly described Flynn as a good person who had been harmed by the Russia investigation, and the President directed advisors to reach out to Flynn to tell him the President "care[d]" about him and felt bad for him. At the same time, multiple senior advisors, including Bannon, Priebus, and Hicks, said that the President had become unhappy with Flynn well before Flynn was forced to resign and that the President was frequently irritated with Flynn. Priebus said he believed the President's initial reluctance to fire Flynn stemmed not from personal regard, but from concern about the negative press that would be generated by firing the National Security Advisor so early in the Administration. And Priebus indicated that the President's post-firing expressions of support for Flynn were motivated by the President's desire to keep Flynn from saying negative things about him. The way in which the President communicated the request to Corney also is relevant to understanding the President's intent. When the President first learned about the FBI investigation into Flynn, he told McGahn, Bannon, and Priebus not to discuss the matter with anyone else in the White House. The next day, the President invited Corney for a one-on-one dinner against the advice of an aide who recommended that other White House officials also attend. At the dinner, the President asked Corney for " loyalty" and, at a different point in the conversation, mentioned that Flynn had judgment issues. When the President met with Corney the day after Flynn's termination-shortly after being told by Christie that firing Flynn would not end the Russia investigation-the President cleared the room, even excluding the Attorney General, so that he could again speak to Corney alone. The President's decision to meet one-on-one with Corney contravened the advice of the White House Counsel that the President should not communicate directly with the Department of Justice to avoid any appearance of interfering in law enforcement activities. And the President later denied that he cleared the room and asked Corney to " let[] Flynn go"-a denial that would have been unnecessary if he believed his request was a proper exercise of prosec utorial discretion.

Finally, the President's effort to have McFarland write an internal email denying that the President had directed Flynn to discuss sanctions with Kislyak highlights the President' s concern about being associated with Flynn's conduct. The evidence does not establish that the President was trying to have McFarland lie. The President's request, however, was sufficiently irregular that McFarland-who did not know the full extent of Flynn' s communications with the President and thus could not make the representation the President wanted-felt the need to draft an internal memorandum documenting the President's request, and Eisenberg was concerned that the request would look like a quid pro quo in exchange for an ambassadorship. C. The President's Reaction to Public Confirmation of the FBl's Russia Investigation Overview In early March 2017, the President learned that Sessions was considering rec using from the Russia investigation and tried to prevent the recusal. After Sessions announced his recusal on March 2, the President expressed anger at Sessions for the decision and then privately asked Sessions to "unrecuse." On March 20, 2017, Corney publicly disclosed the existence of the FBI's Russia investigation. In the days that followed, the President contacted Corney and other intelligence agency leaders and asked them to push back publicly on the suggestion that the President had any connection to the Russian election-interference effort in order to "lift the cloud" of the ongoing investigation.

05-30-2019, 02:19 PM
VRPdommy Too lazy to set a custom title Industry Role: Join Date: Oct 2014 Posts: 11,489	The President paid careful attention to negative coverage of Flynn and reacted with annoyance and anger when the story broke disclosing that Flynn had discussed sanctions with Kislyak. Just hours before meeting one-on-one with Corney, the President told Christie that firing Flynn would put an end to the Russia inquiries. And after Christie pushed back, telling the President that firing Flynn would not end the Russia investigation, the President asked Christie to reach out to Corney and convey that the President liked him and he was part of "the team." That afternoon, the President cleared the room and asked Corney to "let[] Flynn go." We also sought evidence relevant to assessing whether the President' s direction to Corney was motivated by sympathy towards Flynn. In public statements the President repeatedly described Flynn as a good person who had been harmed by the Russia investigation, and the President directed advisors to reach out to Flynn to tell him the President "care[d]" about him and felt bad for him. At the same time, multiple senior advisors, including Bannon, Priebus, and Hicks, said that the President had become unhappy with Flynn well before Flynn was forced to resign and that the President was frequently irritated with Flynn. Priebus said he believed the President's initial reluctance to fire Flynn stemmed not from personal regard, but from concern about the negative press that would be generated by firing the National Security Advisor so early in the Administration. And Priebus indicated that the President's post-firing expressions of support for Flynn were motivated by the President's desire to keep Flynn from saying negative things about him. The way in which the President communicated the request to Corney also is relevant to understanding the President's intent. When the President first learned about the FBI investigation into Flynn, he told McGahn, Bannon, and Priebus not to discuss the matter with anyone else in the White House. The next day, the President invited Corney for a one-on-one dinner against the advice of an aide who recommended that other White House officials also attend. At the dinner, the President asked Corney for " loyalty" and, at a different point in the conversation, mentioned that Flynn had judgment issues. When the President met with Corney the day after Flynn's termination-shortly after being told by Christie that firing Flynn would not end the Russia investigation-the President cleared the room, even excluding the Attorney General, so that he could again speak to Corney alone. The President's decision to meet one-on-one with Corney contravened the advice of the White House Counsel that the President should not communicate directly with the Department of Justice to avoid any appearance of interfering in law enforcement activities. And the President later denied that he cleared the room and asked Corney to " let[] Flynn go"-a denial that would have been unnecessary if he believed his request was a proper exercise of prosec utorial discretion. Finally, the President's effort to have McFarland write an internal email denying that the President had directed Flynn to discuss sanctions with Kislyak highlights the President' s concern about being associated with Flynn's conduct. The evidence does not establish that the President was trying to have McFarland lie. The President's request, however, was sufficiently irregular that McFarland-who did not know the full extent of Flynn' s communications with the President and thus could not make the representation the President wanted-felt the need to draft an internal memorandum documenting the President's request, and Eisenberg was concerned that the request would look like a quid pro quo in exchange for an ambassadorship. C. The President's Reaction to Public Confirmation of the FBl's Russia Investigation Overview In early March 2017, the President learned that Sessions was considering rec using from the Russia investigation and tried to prevent the recusal. After Sessions announced his recusal on March 2, the President expressed anger at Sessions for the decision and then privately asked Sessions to "unrecuse." On March 20, 2017, Corney publicly disclosed the existence of the FBI's Russia investigation. In the days that followed, the President contacted Corney and other intelligence agency leaders and asked them to push back publicly on the suggestion that the President had any connection to the Russian election-interference effort in order to "lift the cloud" of the ongoing investigation.